Trump says his tax plan is 'not good for me' — here are the 3 ways it could benefit him
President Donald Trump stands to be a big beneficiary
of his new tax plan, should it enter into law.
While little is known about Trump's prior taxes, as he has broken with recent tradition and refused to make them public, a handful of proposals in the plan appear as if they would greatly help Trump's bottom line.
Trump's businesses — under the umbrella of the Trump Organization — are currently being run by his two sons, Donald Jr. and Eric, and another senior Trump Organization official.
Trump
did not made as serious a severance with his business ventures as most ethics experts insisted prior to taking office.
During an Indiana speech announcing his tax plan Wednesday, Trump insisted that the proposal was "not good for me."
Here are the proposals in Wednesday's release that could provide a substantial benefit to Trump:
A 25% rate for pass-through businesses
Trump's tax plan includes a new 25% rate for pass-through businesses — which include sole proprietorships, partnerships, and S-corporations. Pass through income, which only gets taxed when it is a profit, is currently taxed at individual levels up to the very top rate of 39.6%, which is higher than the current top corporate tax rate of 35%.
Authors of the plan say they will consider rules to prevent "personal income" from getting taxed at the 25% rate. Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin has suggested that the rate may only apply to goods producers and not service-oriented companies — something that could play into how beneficial this change would be for Trump, as most of his businesses are service oriented.
Trump,
as was revealed during the campaign, said in a deposition that he set up a number of development projects with single-use S-corporations, working through them instead of the Trump Organization. It was also during the campaign that
Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton dubbed Trump's idea for pass-through income the "Trump loophole," arguing that it was one of the most beneficial tax proposals to Trump personally.
The phrase pass-through income means simply that the income "passes through" the business and into the individual returns of the business owner. Last year, prior to the election,
CNBC's Robert Frank cast the loophole as the biggest tax break for the wealthy in Trump's campaign plan.
And as multiple outlets reported
last year, a large portion of Trump's earnings appear to be the result of pass-through income.
Repealing the Alternative Minimum Tax
Trump's plan proposes to
repeal the Alternative Minimum Tax — which, as known from the limited 2005 returns leaked earlier this year, once
cost the president $31 million. It
accounted for most of the $38.5 million in taxes Trump
paid that year.
The AMT, which is aimed at ensuring that the wealthy pay a fair share of taxes has plenty of opponents, some of whom believe it does not accomplish that goal.
As is, the tax serves as a sort of secondary tax code that only applies to specific high-income earners, trusts, corporations, and estates.
Elimination of the Estate Tax
A longtime Republican rallying cry, Trump's tax plan seeks to eliminate what is more commonly known as the death tax. In 2017, it only applies to inherited assets that total
$5.49 million or more, meaning very few Americans are faced with paying it.
If the estate tax were repealed permanently, it could save Trump's estate $564 million based on an estimated net worth of $3 billion,
as Bloomberg reported last year. Trump has said he is worth $10 billion, meaning he would be dealt even bigger savings.
Trump’s Tax Plan Is A Con That Benefits Corporations And The Wealthiest Americans
Donald Trump unveiled a tax plan that is a massive con job. The plan doesn’t benefit the poor and middle class. Trump’s vision for taxes is a windfall for corporations and the wealthiest Americans.
Politico’s Danny Vinik summed up who the big winners are under Trump’s plan, “Who would be the winners of the Trump tax plan? The rich. The top tax rate falling from 39.6 percent to 25 percent will give them a huge windfall, as will eliminating the AMT, the estate tax for their heirs, and the Obamacare surtax on capital gains and dividends. The huge cut in the corporate income tax will also benefit the well-off. Even worse: Trump doesn’t say what we will do with the Earned Income Tax Credit, which is a financial lifeline for low-income Americans. Eliminating it would cause significant hardship for the poor—while also going against the current political agreement around the effectiveness of the EITC. (The campaign didn’t return an email asking for more information.)”
Trump’s plan, like every other Republican tax cut for the rich, blows a hole in the deficit to the tune of $2.3 trillion.
The Republican candidate claims that people earning less than $25,000 won’t pay any federal income taxes, but according to
the IRS, 76% of people who are earning $25,000 or less already pay no federal income taxes. In reality, Trump isn’t giving anything to people who earn $25,000 or less that they don’t already have. Eighty-three percent of people who earn less than $30,000 are already not paying federal income taxes.
Donald Trump is trying to disguise a plan that gives the rich a big tax break as having something for everyone. What Trump left out of his press conference is what he will do with the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC).
The
chart below shows that Trump’s plan would take money away from low and middle income people:
pic t1
In 2014,people earning up to $47,300 paid a net negative percentage in federal income taxes. By bringing them up to zero as Trump proposes, his tax plan will cost them money. It is likely that Trump's plan reduces the federal income tax rate to zero for lower income Americans, but also takes away their tax refunds. Trumps plan would leave lower income workers with less money, while giving the wealthy and corporation a wave of tax breaks.
The media is helping con voters by running with headlines about raising taxes on the wealthy. However Trump's plan is designed to benefit the wealthy at the expense of everyone else.
9 ways Trump’s tax plan is a gift to the rich, including himself
President Trump and congressional Republicans keep saying their tax plan doesn't help the rich. But that's not true.
The
nine-page outline released Wednesday is full of goodies that will make millionaires and billionaires happy. Republicans say it's a starting point, but it would have to be turned on its head to be anything other than a windfall for the wealthy. In fact, in nine pages, The Washington Post counts at least nine ways the wealthy benefit, including Trump himself. Here's our list:
1) A straight-up tax cut for the rich. The top tax rate in the United States is 39.6 percent. Trump and GOP leaders propose lowering that to 35 percent. It's also worth noting the 39.6 percent tax rate applies only to income above $418,400 for singles and $470,700 for married couples. The outline doesn't specify what income level the new 35 percent rate would kick in at. It's possible the rich will get an every bigger tax cut if the final plan raises that threshold.
2) The estate tax goes bye-bye. Trump likes to call the estate tax the “death tax.” At the moment, Americans who pass money, homes or other assets on to heirs when they die pay a 40 percent tax. But here's the important part Trump leaves out: The only people who have to pay this tax are those passing on
more than $5.49 million. (And a married couple can inherit nearly $11 million without paying the tax.)
Trump frequently claims the estate tax hurts farmers and small-business owners. But as The Post's Fact Checker team
points out, only 5,500 estates will pay any estate tax at all in 2017 (out of about 3 million estates). And of those 5,500 hit with the tax, only 80 (yes, you read that right) are farms or small businesses.
3) Hedge funds and lawyers get a special tax break. The plan calls for the tax rate on “pass-through entities” to fall from 39.6 percent to 25 percent. Republicans claim this is a tax break for small-business owners because “pass-through entities” is an umbrella term that covers the ways most people set up businesses: sole proprietorships, partnerships and S corporations. But the reality is, most small-business owners (
more than 85 percent) already pay a tax rate of 25 percent or less, according to the Brookings Institution.
Only 3 percent pay a rate greater than 30 percent. That 3 percent includes doctors, lawyers, hedge fund managers and other really well-off people. Instead of paying a 35 percent income tax, these rich business owners would be able to pass off their income as business income and pay only a 25 percent tax rate. (The tax outline released Wednesday “contemplates” that Congress “will adopt measures to prevent” this kind of tax dodging. But there's no guarantee that will happen).
4) The AMT is over. Republicans want to ******* the alternative minimum tax, a measure put in place in 1969 to ensure the wealthy aren't using a bunch of loopholes and credits to lower their tax bills to paltry sums. The AMT starts to phase in for people with earnings of about $130,000, but the vast majority of people subject to the AMT
earn over $500,000, according to the nonpartisan Tax Policy Center.
Trump himself would benefit from repealing the AMT. As The Post's Fact Checker team
notes, Trump's leaked tax return
from 2005 shows that the AMT increased his tax bill from about $5.3 million to $36.5 million. In 2005 alone, he potentially could have saved $31 million.
5) The wealthy get to keep deducting mortgage interest. Only about 1 in 4 taxpayers claims the mortgage interest deduction, the Brookings Institution says. “Upper-income households primarily benefit from the subsidy,”
wrote Brookings scholar Bruce Katz in a report last year. In fact, the wealthy can deduct interest payments on mortgages worth up to $1 million. There have been many calls over the years to lower that threshold, but the Trump tax plan is keeping it in place.
The GOP is doing this even though the tax cuts would add to the United States' debt, since it doesn't raise enough revenue to offset all the money lost from the new tax breaks. The outline also calls for the charitable deduction to stay, another deduction used heavily by the top 1 percent.
6) Stockholders are going to be very happy. Trump is calling for a super-low tax rate on the money big businesses such as Apple and Microsoft bring back to the United States from overseas, a process known as “repatriation.” Trump argues companies will use all this money coming home to build new U.S. factories. But the last time the United States did this, in the early 2000s, it ended up being a big win for people who own stocks. Companies simply took most of the money and gave it to shareholders in the form of dividends and share buybacks.
Guess what? Just about everyone (outside the White House) predicts the same thing will happen again. Corporations are
even admitting it.
7) The favorite tax break of hedge fund billionaires is still safe. There's no mention in the tax-overhaul rubric of “carried interest.” Those two words make most people's eyes glaze over, but they are a well-known tax-dodging trick for millionaires and billionaires on Wall Street. Hedge fund and private-equity managers earn most of their money from their investments doing well. But instead of paying income taxes on all that money at a rate of 39.6 percent, the managers are able to claim it as “carried interest” so they can pay tax at the low capital gains rate of 20 percent.
Trump called this totally unfair on the campaign trail. During the primaries, he said he would eliminate this loophole because hedge fund managers were “
getting away with *******.” But that change didn't end up in the GOP plan.
8) Capital gains taxes stay low. The nine-page document also says nothing about capital gains, the tax rate people pay when they finally sell a stock or asset after holding on to it for many years. At the moment, the wealthiest Americans pay a 20 percent capital gains rate. Trump and Republican leaders aren't proposing any changes to that, even though it is a popular way for millionaires to lower their tax bill.
9) The Obamacare investment tax goes away. The Affordable Care Act put in place a 3.8 percent surcharge on investment income (known formally as the Net Investment Income Tax). It applies only to individuals earning more than $200,000 a year and married couples earning more than $250,000. There's no mention of this tax in the outline released this week, but Republicans clearly want to get rid of it. Repealing it was part of the GOP health-care bills that failed to pass Congress in recent weeks. One way or another, Republicans are likely to roll back this tax.
When reporters asked Trump whether the tax plan would help him personally, he quickly said no.
“No, I don’t benefit. I don’t benefit,” Trump said. “In fact, very, very strongly, as you see, I think there’s very little benefit for people of wealth.”
Rep. Kevin Brady (R-Tex.), who was part of the team that worked with the White House to craft the tax-overhaul outline, was asked a similar question on Fox News. He, too, said this plan does little to help the rich.
“I think those who benefit most are middle-class families struggling to keep every dollar they earn,” Brady told Fox News.
But one look at this plan tells a very different story. It gives an outright tax cut to the wealthiest Americans and it preserves almost all of the most popular loopholes they use to reduce their tax bills.
Sen. Patrick J. Toomey (R-Pa.), a strong proponent of tax cuts, was more straightforward this week. He told reporters, “This is a supply-side approach,” another way of saying trickle-down economics.
No middle class, no republic: GOP plans to destroy America’s safety net will also ******* democracy
Democracy only “works” for the top 10 percent of Americans
Newt Gingrich
openly bragged recently at the Heritage Foundation that the Trump administration and Republicans in Congress were going to “break out of the Franklin Delano Roosevelt model.” That “model,” of course, created what we today refer to as “the middle class.”
Ever since the election of Ronald Reagan, Republicans have been working overtime to kneecap institutions that support the American middle class. And, as any working-class family can tell you, the GOP has had some substantial successes, particularly in shifting both income and political power away from voters and towards billionaires and transnational corporations.
In July of last year, discussing SCOTUS’s 5/4 conservative vote on Citizens United,
President Jimmy Carter told me: “It violates the essence of what made America a great country in its political system. Now it’s just an oligarchy with unlimited political bribery.” He added: “[W]e’ve just seen a complete subversion of our political system as a payoff to major contributors.”
As Princeton
researchers Gilens and Page demonstrated in an exhaustive analysis of the difference between what most Americans want their politicians to do legislatively, versus what American politicians actually do, it’s pretty clear that President Carter was right.
They found that while the legislative priorities of the top 10 percent of Americans are consistently made into law, things the bottom 90 percent want are ignored. In other words, today in America, democracy only “works” for the top 10 percent of Americans.
For thousands of years, economists and economic observers from Aristotle to Adam Smith to Thomas Picketty have told us that a “middle class” is not a normal by-product of raw, unregulated capitalism — what right-wing ideologues call “the free market.”
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Instead, unregulated markets — particularly markets not regulated by significant taxation on predatory incomes — invariably lead to the opposite of a healthy middle class: They produce extremes of inequality, which are as dangerous to democracy as cancer is to a living being.
With so-called “unregulated free markets,” the rich become super-rich, while grinding poverty spreads among working people like a ******* epidemic. This further polarizes the nation, both economically and politically, which, perversely, further cements the power of the oligarchs.
While there’s a clear moral dimension to this — pointed out by Adam Smith in his classic "
Theory of Moral Sentiments" — there’s also a vital political dimension.
Smith noted, in 1759, that, “All constitutions of government are valued only in proportion as they tend to promote the happiness of those who live under them. This is their sole use and end.”
Jefferson was acutely aware of this: The Declaration of Independence was the first founding document of any nation in the history of the world that explicitly declared “happiness” as a “right” that should be protected and promoted by government.
That was not at all, however, a consideration for the architects of supply-side Reaganomics, although they appropriated JFK’s “rising tide lifts all boats” metaphor to sell their hustle to (boatless) working people.
Far more troubling (and well-known to both Smith and virtually all of our nation’s Founders), however, was Aristotle’s observation that when a nation pursues economic or political activities that destroy its middle class, it will inevitably devolve either into mob rule or oligarchy. As he noted in "
The Politics":
Now in all states there are three elements: One class is very rich, another very poor, and a third in a mean. . . . But a [government] ought to be composed, as far as possible, of equals and similars; and these are generally the middle classes.
“Thus it is manifest that the best political community is formed by citizens of the middle class, and that those states are likely to be well-administered in which the middle class is large, and stronger if possible than both the other classes, or at any rate than either singly; for the addition of the middle class turns the scale, and prevents either of the extremes from being dominant.”
This is
how America was for the Boomer generation: A 30-year-old in the 1970s had a 90 percent chance of having or attaining a higher standard of living than his or her parents. But, since the 1980s introduction of Reaganomics, there’s been more than a
70-percent drop in “social mobility” — the ability to move from one economic station of life into a better one.
So, if our democratic republic is to return to democracy and what’s left of our middle class is to survive (or even grow), how do we do that?
History shows that the two primary regulators within a capitalist system that provide for the emergence of a middle class are progressive taxation and a healthy social safety net.
As Jefferson noted in a
1785 letter to Madison, “Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, and to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise.”
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Similarly, Thomas Paine, proposing in "
Agrarian Justice" (1797) what we today call Social Security, said that a democracy can only survive when its people, “
ee before them the certainty of escaping the miseries that under other governments accompany old age.” Such a strong social safety net, Paine argued, “will have an advocate and an ally in the heart of all nations.”
Tragically, Republicans are today planning to destroy both our nation’s progressive taxation system and our social safety net, in obsequious service to their billionaire paymasters.
Flipping Jefferson and FDR on their heads, Republicans are proposing multi-million-dollar tax breaks for the rich, with a few-hundred-dollars bone tossed in for working people.
Meanwhile, Republicans are already hard at work.
As Ian Milheiser notes, “Republicans in the House hope to cut Social Security benefits by 20 to 50 percent. Speaker Paul Ryan’s plan to voucherize Medicare would drive up out-of-pocket costs for seniors by about 40 percent. Then he’d cut Medicaid by between a third and a half.”
If Gingrich, Ryan, et al succeed in destroying FDR’s legacy programs, not only will the bottom 90 percent of Americans suffer, but what little democracy we have left in this republic will evaporate, and history suggests it will probably be replaced by a violent, kleptocratic oligarchy.
Hang on tight — the ride could get rough.
Donald Trump's Economic Plans Would Destroy the U.S. EconomyMake America have a recession again.
Donald Trump’s tweet about tacos was only the second-most alarming message he sent to potential voters. Less open to humorous interpretation was his threat to default on U.S. debt in the event of a recession.
“I’ve borrowed knowing that you can pay back with discounts,” he told CNBC. “I would borrow knowing that if the economy crashed, you could make a deal.”
This policy would be so disastrous that even its suggestion is dangerous. In the event of a recession, Trump would treat the full faith and credit of the United States to a capricious hair cut. As Josh Barro explained, this wouldn’t just represent a historic default, putting the U.S. in the position of a country like Greece or Argentina; it could also spark an international financial crisis, as “investors would cease to see Treasuries as a safe asset and demand higher interest rates in exchange for risk.”
Trump has promised to make America great again. But a closer look his policy proposals, such as they are, suggests that within his first few years as president, he would more likely make American recessionary again.
The problem begins with his outspoken approach to Mexican immigration. His “plan” to deport 11 million undocumented immigrants would shrink the economy by about 2 percent, according to American Action Forum (AAF), a conservative and pro-business think tank. The sudden subtraction of 7 million workers would cause an immediate shock to thousands of businesses, triggering a GDP collapse ranging from $400 billion to $600 billion in production, AAF’s analysis found, with the worst of the slump occurring in industries like construction and hospitality. “The things Donald Trump has said are utterly unworkable,” Douglas Holtz-Eakin, an economic adviser to Senator John McCain’s 2008 presidential campaign and the forum's president, told Reuters.
Trump’s plan for a border wall could cost several billion dollars more. But as a financial matter, the wall is one of the least troubling aspects of his policy fantasies. By contrast, his tax plan would cut federal revenue by almost $10 trillion in the next decade, according to the Tax Policy Center. Meanwhile, he has no plans to cut spending on Medicare, Medicaid, benefits for veterans, defense, or Social Security, which, along with mandatory payments on the debt, collectively account for more than two-thirds of government spending. In fact, several of his proposals suggest he would raise spending on some of these measures, such as Social Security and veterans benefits. The deficit would, in short order, reach unprecedented peacetime, non-recession levels. (That’s not counting the revenue collapse from manufacturing a recession with mass deportations.)
Here is Trumponomics, in a sentence: Create an unnecessary economic downturn by deporting 7 million workers while cutting taxes for the rich and requiring the United States to borrow trillions of dollars from creditors, whom Trump has now threatened to stiff, if he feels like it. It would be the greatest, dumbest recession in American history.
Trump’s abandonment of economic common sense is, like so much of his appeal, not an outlier position in the GOP so much as an extrapolation of his party’s recent commitment to fiscal insanity. Republicans elites have responded to widening income inequality by proposing a series of escalating tax cuts for the rich. Paul Ryan, nominally the adult-elect of the party, rose to fame with tax-cut promises and draconian proposals to shrink the safety net. When interest rates were historically low and infrastructure spending was attractive, Republicans called for deficit reductions. When the recovery was still fragile, they played chicken with the debt ceiling by threatening a default until the president caved to their budget demands.
Trump’s economic ideas are so haphazard that, by their own merits, they scarcely deserve to be taken seriously or considered alongside each other. But those ideas are a joke—one that the country is civically obligated to take seriously.